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(www.pashtriku.org – 10.06.2007)
Scientific Session, on 23 May 2004
S u mm a r y
Serbian platforms on carnages and massacres over Albanians date back since the period of Serbian state building. They were inaugurated by Voyvoda Milos Obrenovic, by an order in1832: To give “25 stick beats” to any Albanian or Bosniak that will be caught in the Serbian Principality, and in 1834 he used the military “to burn their villages” and “city quarters”, since Albanians and Bosniaks were put into the national movement for their liberation from the Ottoman Empireand the liberation of Albania and Bosnia would become a barrier to new expansions of Serbia.
Hence forth all Serbian expansions into Albanian lands were done by using carnages and massacres upon the Albanian population. This strategy was institutionalised by a political and legal platform of the Serbian national state “Nacertanie” in 1844, which stated: “Serbia should make its efforts to pull out only stones from the Turkish building one by one and obtain whatever possible from this good material to build on again the ancient and good foundation of Ancient Serbian Empire and erect its new own Serbian state”.
Actually, in the period of Eastern Crisis from the beginning of 50-s of 19th century and to the Russian-Turkish War in 1877-1878, an entire Christian world (European and Russian) will dirt itself with Albanian blood. Then, Serbian historiography has never hidden the order of Prince Milan Obrenovic on Serbian paramilitary and military forces: "The more Albanians you can expel, the higher your merits will be for the country...!. This order had the power of a Serbian Law for ethnocide against Albanians. With its strategy of “a burnt land” the ethnic cleansing of Albanians took place from more than 640 Albanian villages and towns of the Sanjcak of Nis.
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European Aeropagus –The Congress ofBerlin (13 June – 13 July 1878) awarded the genocide of Orthodox Christians of the neighbouring countries of Albania, recognising them the right to about 24,458 km2 of Albanians’ lands. The annexed regions were de-Albanised according to the strategy of “the burnt land”, expelling by dreadful forceful ethnocide about 250 – 300 thousand ethnic Albanians. After international bloodshed partition in 1878, The Ethno-cultural and Geopolitical Unit of Albania, separated into four administrative and military Ottoman units, had a surface of 90,100 – 90,270 km2 with 3,804,000 residents, more than three million of whom were Albanians. At that time, The Vilayet of Kosova had a surface of 32,900 km2 with more than 1,270,000 residents. The current territory of Kosova, of 10,887 km2, had only around 3.7 per cent Serbs in1912, although Jovan Cvijic speaks of 5 per cent.
In 1912, a general uprising of Albania under the leadership of Hasan Prishtina marked a decisive turn to the autonomy of Albania. To prevent this Albanian victory, Russia put the Balkan Alliance onto the war, under the slogan: "A War to liberate the Christian population from the Turkish many-century occupier and from Islamic Tyranny...!"Accordingly, since the Albanian population constituted around 88% of the Muslim religious people, the war of the Balkan Alliance was in fact a Serbian and Greek Orthodox and Slavic cultural-ethnocide, ethnocidal and genocidal anti-Albanian enterprise by the support of Russia and Europe.
Any Albanian resistance would be extinguished by bloodsheds, carnages and massacres awarded by Russia and Europe, similar to those in 1877-1881, of the resistance of the Albanian League of Prizren. This fact was indicated clearly at the proclamation in Albanian written in Cyrillic: "To all tribes in Albania, you brothers!", of General Bozidar Janko, addressed to Albanians immediate after the Serbian military stepped on Merdare and Prepalac, on 18 October 1912: "We shall shoot on those who will shoot on us, and God help us, we shall turn into ashes a house or village that turns arms against us...!"
This Serbian platform on carnages on Albanian being in historical Kosova was legalised internationally by a public request of the Prince of Serbia, Aleksije Karadjordjevic, as soon as he stepped on the Albanian land in the regions of Kumanovo: “I wish to come here several thousands of European people of responsibility and see the Albanians, who we caught ad war captives, and they could become convinced that the people can hardly be called human beings and be convinced that the Balkans should be cleansed from these wild beings...!"
The victory of the Balkan Alliancewas crowned at the Ambassadorial Conference in London, by which 61,510 km2 and more than three million residents in majority Albanians were detached from the Albania of 1912. The London Conference approved the project of the "Albanian Principality",on 29 July 1913, as a monstrous state, without a full body, too much crippled, without any limb for living. This state could have a surface of about 28,760 km2 with around 800 thousand residents.
Serbian, Montenegrin, Bulgarian and Greek occupiers in 1912/13, exerted cultural-ethnocide, ethnocide in Albanian lands similar to that in 1877-1881. Three contemporary persons threw light on the platform of this state of emergency. The Serbian military man Dimitrije Tucovic, a socialist, informing the public about the Serbian crimes in an Albanian village in Luma, now in Albania, wrote in 1913, “The village was extinguished in two hours, with the scenes that are difficult to imagine. Platoons attacked women carrying breast-sucking babies (...), approximately 500 souls were liquidated within two hours (…), dead bodies were put into houses and the houses were burned down – in order to hide the crime tracks. This is the truth about the horrible wildness”.
This picture is more complete if the statement of the socialist M. Kaclerovic is added to it - “The Serbian Army set fire to 35 Albanian villages, without allowing the residents to get away from there (…). The Serbian Army massacred 120 thousand Albanians on its government order”. According to systematised data by the Italian scholar A. Baldacci, - “there were some 150 thousand Albanians killed by Serbs in 1912-13”.
In fact, the source data indicate clearly that during the Balkan Wars and the First World War in the areas of ethnic Albania, besides the number of the killed people mentioned above, by the strategy “the burnt land”, 800 Albanian localities were ruined down and more than 500 thousand Albanians were expelled to Asia and elsewhere. Similarly, from December 1918 to the close of the Versailles Peace – in Paris,in 1920, Serbian-Yugoslav cannibalism was exerted in Albanian areas. According to the data of the Headquarters for the War of the Movement or Freedom of Albanian Lands, included in the Proclamation of early November 1945, “in 1918, during the creation of the mosaic Yugoslavia, again according to the order of Belgrade, thousands of Albanians were slaughtered and killed. At that time, a register of eighty thousand victims was brought to the Conference of Peace, followed by an energetic protest, but this was also, as always, ‘Vox clamantis in deserto” to the ears of Europe.
From the documents of Albanian origin, sent to the Conference of Versailles, it can be seen that the number of Albanians in Albanian ethno-cultural and geopolitical regions in 1912, ran below the number of Albanians in the 50-s of 19th century. Only 1,779,929 residents (833,000 in the area of the London Conference Albania and 946,929 of them in Albanians’ lands annexed to Yugoslavia and Greece) were Ethnic Albania in the area then. It comes out that between 1912 and 1920, the number of Albanians in Ethnic Albania was reduced for over 1,220,000 residents and this without the natural increase of three million Albanians, as many as there were in 1912.
Albanians, being mainly a Muslim population, were further presented by Serbian pseudoscience before the Christian anti-Islamic world, as an amorphous mass decomposed from the spiritual and civilian aspects, without a national prospective, dignified for assimilation into Serbs, as a civilian act. Due to this objective, Serbian anti-Albanian propaganda had an unreserved support by certain European circles. Here is an obvious example: Herman Vendel, in 1920 and 1921, would present Albanians as a "Balkan semi-wild rudiment population, dangerous for European civilisation" and Serbian genocide upon Albanians would be justified as a necessary measure of "Christian civilisation", since, according to him, "history cannot stand a threat of millennium years (...) of a race dying out..."!?!
Extinction based on this Serbian platform for culture-ethnocide, ethnocide and genocide against Albanians continued for a long period of time in the Yugoslavia of Versailles. This was the Serbian strategy “the burnt land”, with clear pretences: "To change the physiognomy of the areas purely inhabited by Albanians" – would read the Yugoslav socialist press. According to the actions of L. Trocki in the place of bloodshed events, in Kosova in the 20-s of 19th century: “There existed a labour division. In case it had to do with some displaced persons, their houses were first destroyed by the regular military. Then came reserve forces in turn, which performed their part of the job. After them came the police members and finally committee members”. This strategy was implemented in the same way in 1999.
That this objective was carried out by the blessing of Europe, can be proved by the sole pronunciation of the Yugoslav representative to the League of Nations in Geneva, on 13 March 1929, who would tell lies without making any sign on his face: "In our southern regions, which were constitutive parts of our state, or were given to our Kingdom before 1 February 1913, there are no national minorities"!?! This is the moral of diplomacy and Serbian occupying gene.
In the function of Serbian platform on de-Albanisation of Albanian lands parallel to carnages exerted upon Albanians was also the behaviour of the Slavic element in their lands. This fact was reflected by an anonymous person from Peja to the JCP publication, "Proleter", on 15 December 1929: "We, Albanians are forced to build houses for colonists. We are obliged to purchase the rope with which they are going to hang us (...). They are burning a series of villages in order to make place for colonists. With guns, gun machines and bombs they are sending away thousands of Albanian families from their own hearths". In this spirit was stated, on 15 September 1931, also in the publication "National Freedom"ofGeneva: "Almost a million people are expelled by the greater-Serbian power" and that "the names of people and villages are turned into Serbian ones by means of knives, so that any Albanian evidence would disappear, any ethnic character of Kosova would change".
With such aspirations they continued ethnic cleansing of the Albanians of Kosova in the 30-s. In 1937 even Serbian academic, political and military circles requested that within a very short deadline the percentage of Slavic element – Serbian and Montenegrin - in Kosova should rise to 67.5%, and the percentage of Albanians from 80% to go down to 21.5%. There were complains to the orders of local police and administration in Kosova: "Southern Serbs are not devoted to proper attention. If that becomes a Serbian place the Yugoslav issues will be solved". To reach this, it was required to remove another 400 thousand Albanians from Kosova to Turkey, and parallel to 143 thousand Serbian and Montenegrin colonists that were brought to 1937, to be brought another 470 thousand colonists of Slavic origin.
Serbian academicians, writers, university professors, gathered to “Serbian Cultural Club” in Belgrade were put to the service of these plans. However, the Elaboration of academician Vasa Cubrilovic: "Iseljavanje Arnauta" (The Expulsion of Albanians), of 7 March 1937, is the most dreadful project known in the history of cultural-ethnocide, genocide and ethnocide exerted on an entire people, which would remain unobserved and unpunished by the civilised world, by Europe!?! It was précised in this project: “To recapitulate: It is impossible to extinguish the Albanians only by permanent colonisation (…).The sole manner and sole means – for the extinguishing Albanians and Albanian being from Kosova – is a rude force of an organised state power, which we were convinced of” in 1878/79.
Actually, it is impossible to reflect here the whole complexity of a cannibalistic Slavic cultural-ethnocide, genocide and ethnocide between the Two World Warsagainst Albanians, and all the manners of resistance for Albanians’ survival against such violence cannot be reflected either. The Yugoslav Military Headquarters, evaluating that civilian and police power could not manage to extinguish the Albanian population in the regions annexed to the Yugoslavia of Versailles, in 1938 they required from the Military Ministry that breaking the Albanians should be left on the competence of Serbian and Montenegrin elements and military, which means: to chetnik paramilitaries supported by military, and it précised: "Our military will have the duty, similarly to the present one, and particularly now, to carry out its state duty and national and cultural mission in these regions".
On the eve of the Second World War, a great barrier for extinguishing the Albanians in Yugoslavia was presented by the existing of the London Conference Albania as a state, so by the end of 1938, Yugoslavia would propose to Greece and Italy an alliance for the division of Ahmet Zogu’s Albania, by what there would be created circumstances for physical disappearance and assimilation of Albanian surplus into Serbs, Greeks and Italians:"There has never been a sympathy for Albanians among our people, neither earlier nor nowadays. They have been seen as enemies of our country and our people. In our political and diplomatic combinations and our Balkan policy, we have always aimed at turning down all Albanians’ demands for the establishment of an independent state, due to the simple fact that such a state could be created against us and against our national objectives.”
On this Serbian anti-Albanian platform was erected the Elaborate of the academician and Nobel-prize winner Ivo Andric, on 30 January 1939: "With the occupation of Albania the attraction centre of Albanian minority in Kosova would disappear, which would, in a new situation, be assimilated much more easily.” According to the Serbian Academic directives, the Yugoslav diplomacy against the Albanian being in historical Kosova would be based on the killing of Albanian personalities - "as if they were wild animals!"This Serbian state strategy for extinguishing the Albanians was pictured well by the Montenegrin communist colonist, Radovan Zogovic, a lifelong friend of Albanians: "The greater-Serbian power does its utmost to put out the law and extinguish the Albanian residents by economic pressure, police education, by cutting off medical assistance against malaria etc."
It was said above that by the sources of the provenience of the League of Nationsit can be proved that there were946,929 Albanians in the Yugoslavia of Versailles in 1920. According to natural growth of 4 per cent, that Albanians had up to 1941, the number of Albanians in Yugoslavia would reach to more than two million. Accordingly, it comes out that the Serbian-Yugoslav power between the Two World Wars liquidated and expelled more than a million Albanians.
The Nazi-fascist occupation of the Albanians outside the London Conference Albania, from mid April 1941, although it came as some infusion to the Albanian being in agony, it did not resolve the Albanian issue, and the National-Liberation Anti-Fascist War, parallel to other peoples of Yugoslavia was used for Serbian, Montenegrin and Bulgarian-Macedonian re-annexing of Albanians’ lands outside the London Conference Albania. Actually, the time proved that Tito’s Declaration before an English war reporter, on 4 December 1943, that "the future of Kosova would be decided by a plebiscite and the borders would, if necessary, be corrected to the benefit of Albania", was a betrayal trap to the Albanian anti-Nazis liberators, the same as the Resolution of the National-Liberation Council of Kosova of 2 January1944, in which was included the vital political demand of Albanians:
"Kosova and the Dukagjin Plain is a province inhabited by the Albanian majority population, who as always wants to join Albania. The only way for the Albanian population of Kosova and the Dukagjin Plain to join Albania is the common war with other peoples of Yugoslavia against the Nazi-bloody occupiers and their servants, as this is the sole way to win freedom, when all the peoples, then Albanians as well, will be able to declare of their own fate with the right to self-determination and to separation.
The warrant to this is the Yugoslav National-Liberation Army (YNLA) and Albanian National-Liberation Army (ANLA), which are closely connected. Apart from this, guarantee is obtained also from our great allies: the Soviet Union, England and America (The Atlantic Chart, the Conference of Moscow and Teheran)".
However, as soon as the Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian-Bulgarian chetnik partisans, Russian, English and USA’s allies and those of the Albanian National-Liberation Movement stepped on the Albanian land, YNLA threw off the lamb’s fur and put on their Orthodox traditional clothing against the Ethnic Albanian being. On 3 December 1944, again V. Cubrilovic, now Minister of Economy of Comintern of Serbia, released for secret usage the instructions to Yugoslav military and political circles – to extinguish all the means of ethnic Albanians, Germans and other ethnicities “in Yugoslavia”, and it concluded:"There are two ways that would be taken into consideration for a radical cleansing of Albanians: to get them extinguished or forcefully expelled!"
To fulfil the requested orders that emerged from Cubrilovic’s Instructions, on the Albanians’ lands until November 1944 were concentrated brigades 20-25 called “partisan ones” - Serbian, Montenegrin, Bulgarian and "Macedonian", with too secret instructions: To kill with bullets, knives and fire, at least 50% of Albanians of Kosova and other regions outside the Albania of London Conference! According to relevant sources, from mid November 1944 to 1947, more than 47 thousand Albanians were killed. Apart from the killed Albanians for sake of Albanian cause in Kosova, there were also hundreds and thousands of Albanians forcefully displaced to Anatolia? Actually, according to Yugoslav military secret sources, there were more than 900 thousand Albanians in Yugoslavia in 1937. According to the census in 1948, there were 750,431 Albanians in Yugoslavia, which means that there were 149,569 less Albanians than eleven years before. Another 412,000 Albanians were expelled forcefully from their lands by the Yugoslav-Turkish Agreement ‘Gentleman’ in 1953. In 1976, the Socialist Alliance of Kosova had data on the emigration of a million of Albanians from Kosova alone between 1912 and 1966.
Yugoslav police data indicate of more than 280 thousand imprisoned Albanians from 1945 to 1966, but numerous imprisoned people were in the period between 1967 and 1980. However, from the spring of 1981, Kosova was in an open conflict against Yugoslavia. Sources originating from judiciary and the police indicate that 900 thousand Albanians were political prisoners, and treated by the police to the end of 1991 (750 thousand in Kosova and 150 thousand in other regions: Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia, and Slovenia).
In the 90-s of 20th century, Kosova and other regions of Albanians in the Yugoslavia of Versailles-AVNOY were thrown out of the Law. All the possible Serbian cannibalistic genocidal and ethnocidal violation misfortunes upon Albanians were again exerted under the public and secret instructions of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Serbia, now headed by Acad. Dobrica Cosic.The basis for these instructions for the extinction of the Albanian cause in Kosova and other regions of the Albanians under AVNOY Yugoslavia was intertwined in the legal Memorandum of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Serbia in 1985. This political-police act, in fact, presented the Project for the Greater Serbia from Vienna to Istanbul, with the prejudice that Serbia extended to any place where a Serb or a Serbian grave was found!By this Memorandum a Serbian and Yugoslav final blood revenge against Albanians should be instigated, with a special accent on the Muslim Albanians, that the Albanians in Kosova should be extinguished by a political strategy accepted by Slavs in particular and Christianity in general.
To implement successfully the "Serbian National Program”, the Academy of Sciences and Arts Serbia stayed on duty of a political and state rise of the personality of Slobodan Milosevic, who was brought to the head of the greater-Serbian movement: " Dogodio se narod"(The people took place), based on forgery, prejudices and hysterical demands for Serbian expansion: "Kosova is the heart of Serbia", and "Greater Serbia - from Horgost and Virovitica of Karlobag to Durrës and The Saloniki" – would be accomplished based on the Serbian "truths", on “Serbian” Kosova – historically without Serbs, but with Serb violent and bloody power since October 1912. "Kosova is a Serbian land which can never be talk about differently but a Serbian sacred land", since "the Church headed by the king and propagating apparatus has constructed the myth on Kosova". And taking the church myth as a land document, the Serbian Patriarch German called the Serbs to war “for a new revenge of Kosova!" on 28 July 1988
On 28 June 1989, at a Meeting at Gazimestan, supported by the Church and blessed by the Patriarch, Slobodan Milosevic put onto the clean the plan for reoccuption and turning the territory of Kosova into a Serbian one, with the Serbian strategy “the burnt land”: "It was shown that Kosova and the determination to Kosova keeps all the Serbian people united", and now "The myth of Kosova is not only a church issue", but " it is an issue of the peoples", accordingly, the truth "what is historical and what a legend on the Battle of Kosova (1389) is not of importance any more”, since "six centuries after it and nowadays we are again at battles and before battles!"
The years in the 90-s of the 20th century were foreseen for decreasing the percentage of Albanians of Kosova from 93% to below 50%. This would be reached with all known methods and strategies in the world about ethnic cleansing of a country. In the function of this intention in the 80-s and 90-s, by economic and police violation, about 400 thousand Albanians capable for fighting were sent out of Kosova, and within the last 14 months of the frontal war of the Kosova Liberation Army (KLA) against the Serbian military (28 February1998 - 10 June 1999), around a million Albanians were sent out of Kosova facing great terror, carnages and massacres. The destruction of what can be called Albanian being where the Serbian military foot stepped on Albanians’ lands – is an evidence. In particular violence and rapes, carnages and massacres on unprotected civilians, men and women, old people and children throughout Kosova, from 24 March to 10 June 1999, a period of NATO bombardment on the military war machinery of Serbia, are sensitive wounds that leak blood continuously. The Serbian military committed more than 30 carnages in the villages and cities of Kosova, killed in misery more than 15,000 civilians - old men, women and children (over 3,400 missing persons), 3,219 people were wounded and 1,360 imprisoned. With the strategy of “the Albanian burnt land” – it burned down 1,007 villages (out of 1,392 as many as there are in Kosova), 212,347houses, following premises, social buildings (of them 218 mosques), and business facilities. And the violence more than any other violence is the rape of more than 20,000 females, out of who 2,019 mothers that have 3,007 partially traumatised children.
Currently more than two thousand and five hundred Albanians that are neither alive nor in graves in the hands of the official Belgrade – in order to ruin the victory of the KLA, the freedom and independence of Kosova – are staying heavily in the hearts of Albanians. And parallel to these, the Serbian Massacre in the Prison of Dubrava on the Albanian prisoners has been weighing since 19-24 May 1999.
Actually, the clouds above the Prison of Dubrava started at the beginning of 1997, when a series of arrests took place in Kosova with a direct attack on the KLA structures. The Yugoslav Internal Social Security (UDB) and military aimed at weakening or destroying the KLA military and political force in general, which had the liberation of Kosova and other Albanian regions in their political program and military doctrine, by other means different from those trumpeting in those years by Albanian peaceful parties and movements of that time. Detention prisons in Kosova were almost overloaded by arrests, and in every cell of these prisons there were unbroken unbound “terrorists” in their liberation living way.
Really, after the punishment of three groups in 1997, the Serbian occupier seemed to plan to fill the detention prisons with new “terrorists”. At the beginning of 1998, from the Detention Prison of the District Court in Prishtina a group of politically punished members was transferred to the Prison of Dubrava. At the first sight, it seemed that nothing interesting was going on. However, it was realised later that it was aimed at gathering political prisoners of authority and influence among the Albanian masses.
From that time, many political prisoners were suffering their punishments and were separated into different pavilions. There were many outstanding figures among them – devoted activists of national issue who were punished for political and patriotic activities several times with draconic sanctions. A number or ordinary prisoners expressed their solidarity to this.
The expansion of the KLA war, particularly the Frontal attack in Likoshan on 8 February and the KLA Epopee in Prekaz on 5-7 March 1998, changed a lot of things, not only on the national level, but also on the international one. Then it was seen that the Serbian power was also changing its plans and was preparing to face another new situation different from what it had thought of. By a decision of the Serbian Ministry of Justice, on 29 and 30 April 1998, retransferring of all the political prisoners from the Dubrava Prison to prisons in Serbia, by a justification both funny and ironic - allegedly “due to security reasons…’’!?! This transfer took place initially to two prisons, right to the Prison of Nis and to the Prison of Sremska Mitrovica.
Actually, following the transfer of political prisoners throughout Serbian prisons, it did not take long when all the other prisoners who were punished for ordinary acts were moved away. All of them were sent to different prisons of Serbia. The Prison of Dubrava was now empty of prisoners. However, something unprecedented was happening there then. The development of the KLA war was then turning to a new phase. Its extension and spreading was more than evident, therefore Serbs were taking additional new measures to attack not only the KLA and this war organisation carriers, but also the civil population, as a punishment, implementing “Albanians’ burnt land” strategy.
In such circumstances, the facilities of the Prison of Dubrava were thus being transformed into Serbian institutional military and paramilitary basis, very important for punishing operations that were undertaken by the Serbian military and police supreme command in the Dukagjin Plainand wider. In the facilities of the prison and around it, the Serbian occupier concentrated a large war arsenal, by which it operated against the KLA and civilian population.
Albanian political and ordinary prisoners despite being in Serbian prisons outside the war zone, notably for “security issues”, they were never sure, as the numerous Serbs who took part at the war developed in Kosova, could often come and “visit” them, and particularly when they failed at the war front. Simply, the Albanians in Serbian prisons were not prisoners, but they were war hostages, and Serbian traditional violence was exerted upon them whenever Serbs wanted to demonstrate their “power” of a Milosevician police and military state. Prison was then to the Albanian prisoners a camp of extinction and nothing else, as the rights that a prisoner could enjoy had ceased to exist.
The beginning of NATO bombardment on 24 March 1999 found the Albanian hostages almost in all Serbian prisons and in very difficult conditions. The authorities of those prisons stuck strictly to instructions coming from above and executed the anti-Albanian plans at the state levels that had been designed much earlier. Strangely enough, the Albanian prisoners could never think at all about the preparation of the terror in the Prison of Dubrava. On 26 April 1999, the Albanian prisoners were returned from the Prison of Sremska Mitrovica to the Prison of Nis, which to Albanians was worse than the most severe Nazi camps.
They were kept in the Prison of Nis only for three days, and a much uncontrolled violence was exerted there against the Albanian prisoners, which did not save anyone. Old or young, sick or invalid, able or unable, all of them passed through an indescribable horror.
On 29 April 1999, the Albanian prisoners tied in iron chains and under a special escort were pushed from the Prison of Nis onto buses and left to Kosova. At a moment, right between the villages of Llapushnik and Arllat of Drenica, a Serbian military auto blind vehicle entered between the two last buses on the line and it was attacked by a NATO aircraft. The military vehicle was destroyed and four Serb soldiers who were on it were killed. Serbian soldier and paramilitary forces that were in positions around, horrified and angry for the losses that the Serbian military machinery suffered, tented to revenge in any way by killing several Albanian hostages who were on buses tied up feet and hands.
The escorting guardians replied to the request for revenge: “We have an order by Milosevic to send these prisoners obligatorily in certain number and to a certain place”. Finally, the frustrated militaries were persuaded to the military logic, they understood that it was an order coming from the top and that it had to be respected, even though they wanted to revenge against the disabled ones. Now an Albanian, a KLA soldier and a NATO soldier were equally hated.
The Albanian prisoners from the Prison of Sremska Mitrovica and the Prison of Nis were again found in the Prison of Dubrava a year later. But they could imagine what was actually being prepared to their lives and fates. On 30 April 1999, the prisoners from Prizren, Lipjan and Gjilan were brought to the Prison of Dubrava, and two days later, on 2 May 1999, the prisoners from Prokuplje and Vranje were brought here. Some time before, a part of Albanian ordinary prisoners were brought to this prison from different prisons and there was a part of prisoners who had already been for a long time in a pavilion, which was more specific for its supervision. Gathering of prisoners and hostages to this camp would then continue every day, bringing in sometimes from detention prisons and other times the arrested people from different towns and villages under military state of urgency. On 18 May 1999, another 155 civilians from Gjakova were brought there, who were arrested or taken forcefully from their houses.
According to indirect information, the number of Albanian prisoners – war hostages - in the Prison of Dubrava reached tomore than 900 people who arrived then, against whom unprecedented ill-treatment and violation was exerted. However, in these circumstances an unexpected exception took place. The prisoners were hardly waiting for the date of 17 May 1999, when the imprisonment of Professor Ukshin Hoti would expire. But he was taken from the prison unexpectedly a day before, on 16 May 1999, an unusual “release” in the practice of Serbian prisons and especially for the circumstances of the War in Kosova. After Professor Hoti was taken away, the events followed their usual development to the horrible bloodshed on 19-24 May 1999. On 16, 17 and 18 May 1999 three other persons were “released” from prison, of whom one was executed in the vicinity of the prison, another was found executed after the war and the third one is held as a missing person.
According to our information, the Serbian massacre in the Prison of Dubrava on 19-24 May 1999 was designed and conducted by Miki Vidic, commander of the Prison of Dubrava and Aleksandar Rakocevic, Director of the Prison of Dubrava, assisted by: the supervisor called Branko (the person who took away U. Hoti from the prison pavilion); Zivkovic Zarko (deputy Director) and Zivkovic Dragan (called “Kasap” (butcher)), a known participant in Serbian crimes in Bosnia. These officers, for the implementation of the massacre scenario in the Prison of Dubrava brought Serbian criminals preliminarily, who were sentenced for dreadful crimes and were ready to suck Albanian blood, by what they would have abolished their punishments and get rehabilitated in the Serbian society.
To the eve of the Serbian massacre, the prisoners were placed in four pavilions: C1, C2, B2 and the Reception Pavilion, in imaginable bad living conditions. Serbian military machinery had made precise calculations; being certain that time had come for NATO to strike on prisons facilities, as there was previous information that it had been turned into a military basis. In the meantime, paramilitaries had been drawn back and instead Albanian prisoners were brought in. NATO logistics did not seem to have trusted the logistics information provided by the KLA – about the return of Albanian prisoners to the facilities of the Prison of Dubrava.
On 19 May 1999, sometime about noon, the NATO air float struck the prison facilities – two pavilions within the walls and several outside them, such as the Directorate of the Prison, etc. Pavilion C1, which was full of prisoners, was struck by four projectiles. A few minutes later, Pavilion B3 was also struck, but there were no prisoners there, as it was being used as a storage. The guardians ran away as soon as the bombardment started, and the prisoners in pavilions C1 and B2 were locked. Only the prisoners in Pavilion C2 had a different treatment, they were mainly ordinary prisoners. The prisoners who experienced the crime in Pavilion C1 tried to break the bars but without any success. Facing the possibility to death brought about a panic that was hard to overcome. Inside the ruins there were bound prisoners, who could be helped by nobody.
In these hard moments, when no one knew what was going on, the ordinary prisoners from C2 were organised to open their rooms’ doors forcefully, taking thus out of the ruins the wounded and dead people, putting them initially into pavilionC1 and then in B2. Once all of them got out to the prison yard, it was seen that three prisoners were left killed in Pavilion C1 and nineteen were injured, three of who were in a very hard condition. One of them died later in hospital in Peja.
Two hours later, some armed guardians came in through the main prison door. Another Serbian ordinary prisoner from the Prison of Nis was with them in prisoner’s clothes and with arms in his hands. The guardians first ordered the prisoners to line up and then to get in. From their behaviour and new developments it was seen that the prison leadership had hardly waited for the expected bombardment in order to trumpet before the international public that: “…this is the crime committed by NATO, striking even prisons and prisoners protected by international laws of wars …!?!”
In order to give pomposity to Serbian and Milosevician anti-NATO propaganda, and at the same time to anti-KLA propaganda, to be more reliable, without any delay, together with the prison staff a man in a white-coat (probably a military officer) and the press journalists and electronic outlets. Actually, Serbia did not have a better opportunity to be presented as humanitarian before the world!?! No one from the few “visitors” dealt with the fate of the wounded people. They took pictures of the installed pictures and went off. The KLA logistics reacted soon and warned the flying command of the NATO air float, that the Serbian military machinery had put it onto a trap. However, there happened something that someone from the NATO logistics would be responsible.
In fact, the next day, on 20 May 1999, silence, dissatisfaction and nightmare reigned before some unknown event, and on 21 May, again powerful projectiles attacked the building outside the prisons’ walls. In continuation, strangely, vital buildings within the prison walls became targets. The restaurant was first attacked and tens of prisoners were killed and injured. Bombardment continued with some interruptions to the evening. The prisoners, having no other way out, got together in a narrow square space, among these buildings: the restaurant, ambulance, reception pavilion, school, sports hall, culture building, pavilions B3 and B2. Over this time, a projectile fell near the culture house, from which attack again many prisoners were dead and injured.
Seeing the danger within the space of this square, prisoners left the buildings. The most suitable place seemed to be the sports field under the open sky. Some prisoners got into some manholes or somewhere else, where they thought to be more secure. On this tragic day, when almost every prison facility was attacked, 19 prisoners were dead and 32 others injured.
The largest number of prisoners will pass the night of 21/22 May 1999 under the blue sky. The next day, sometime about five in the morning, the prisoners were ordered to line up in twos, as if they were to be transferred to the Prison of Nis. Then, according to the order, the prisoners lined up in fours. It was calculated that this type of lining up would the most effective for execution. And, still not lined up all of them, automatic guns, sniper guns, mines, hand bombs and machine guns burst shooting all together. The carnage of22 May 1999 took only a few dreadful minutes. Between 60 and 80 martyrs fell dead and about 200 others were seriously injured.
Since the prisoners, Albanian hostages for balancing with NATO and KLA, did not have any choice, they came together within and outside the restaurant and ambulance facilities, where they thought they were less exposed. Some wounded people were brought to the ambulance, but this number was small as the largest number of the severely wounded ones was left lying in the sports field, among the dead persons. In these extraordinary circumstances, many sacrificed persons went out and draw in all of those who could not move themselves. The wounded persons were placed on the ground floor on the right side of Pavilion C1, along the corridor, then in the rooms of that side and in the TV room.
That day, on 22 May 1999, before twilight, a group of 10 masked persons came in through the entrance door, in uniforms and armed with automatic guns, hand bombs and mines. They shot to all sides frontally with the arms they had, and in manholes, where there were hidden wounded persons, they threw two hand bombs. With mine grenades they shot to pavilions direction and particularly to the restaurant. When they killed and wounded some prisoners, they left outside the prison walls.
Foreseeing the danger of their returning and being massacred, it was decided by the prisoners to organise protection of the wounded in Pavilion C1, at least to give some courage to the wounded. At the dawn of 23 May 1999, masked people came again inside the walls, and this time they were much better organised. The attackers were masked and in different uniforms of military, police and paramilitaries and prisoners. They seemed to know about the fortification of Pavilion C1, so they did not attack there. The balance of this crime was 30 persons executed from the vicinity. The first attack with hand bombs took place in the environment of the central heating. There were not many wounded people in this round of crime, as all of them were shot on their foreheads, mouths, heads, and hearts – from an arm distance.
A few minutes later, masked executors ordered for the prisoners to leave the pavilion and to enter the Sports Hall, with “justification” that they would be transferred to another prison. However, nobody could trust them any more. Awaiting death they could hear the noise of NATO aircrafts above Dubrava. And, since NATO did not strike, the masked people following a long consultation made outside the hall, brought a good news”: “…we have thought to send you to other prisons, but the buses that should have come to take you came across a bridge ruined from bombardment today, that is why you have to stay here until tomorrow …!”
They could not believe it, but they should wait, as there was no other way out. After the criminals drew back, the prisoners brought the wounded persons of that day together, put them together with others, in the Sports Hall, and continued taking care of them. Thus, at the night between 23 and 24 May 1999, in addition to some 150 persons who had slight wounds and had gone with the other to pavilions, there were 106 serious immovable wounded in the Sports Hall.
The next day, on 24 May 1999, there was a surprise: all the prisoners would be transferred to the Prison of Lipjan. In the courtyard of the Prison of Lipjan a cordon of guardians and paramilitaries were preliminarily prepared to exert physical violence against the Albanian hostages. These guardians were led by the Director of the Prison of Prishtina - Lipjan, officer Luba Cimburovic in military uniform. The prisoners were initially lined up in the courtyard. They were sent to pavilions number 2, 3 and 4, being beaten with rubber sticks, kicked and hit with boxes. The same was done to the people who were carrying the 106 seriously wounded persons, to Pavilion No. 1, not saving even the wounded ones as they were lying on blankets. This inhuman physical violence was the cause of the dead of three wounded persons on the same day, on 24 May 1999, in the Prison of Lipjan.
The living conditions in this prison were criminal. There was psychical and physical violence, total lack of food. After 17 days, precisely on 10 June 1999, that is, on the next day of signing the Kumanovo Technical-Military Agreement between the NATO Command and the Supreme Command of the Yugoslav (Serbian) Military, the Albanian prisoners – war hostages – were transferred to prisons in Serbia.
According to systemised data by the survivors of this massacre, who offered the first aid to the wounded persons during six days as long as the crime lasted against the Albanian prisoners in the Prison of Dubrava, from 19 to 24 May 1999, there were killed between 150 and 165 prisoners and 23 persons from NATO bombardment, and more than 200 people were wounded, of whom 120 were severely wounded. This is an approximate number coming out of calculations of the survivors of the massacre. The exact number of the killed and wounded persons is possible to be confirmed only by a necessary international court, and protected institutions by international laws, which would disclose this monstrous crime, which is still a protected taboo in the silence of national and international institutions.
The crime of the Massacre of Dubrava, in its size and particularly in its content, is undoubtedly one of the most terrific tragedies known in the history of mankind. Many people are wrong saying that the number of the killed persons in this massacre cannot be a satisfying argument for it to be listed among the most horrible tragedies. Precisely the content aspect of this tragedy is different from many other tragedies, larger in their size. The Massacre of Dubrava notes not only the top of racial and wild emotion outburst on a group of people against another, but its particular strongest argument is in the legal nature that proves the Serbian state project for genocide and ethnocide against Albanians as well as factual technology of the implementation of that genocide.
This massacre is the strongest evidence of the application of the Serbian state itself in the execution of genocide against Albanians, while from international circles, even if they were North-Atlantic ones, has been kept in silence, including the unreasonable silence of the national institutions of Kosova. Time is proving that international institutions have made their utmost that the disclosure of this massacre does not take a dimension of political and legal campaign dimension, nor a medial one.
The Serbian state knew how to use best medially and politically the NATO strikes on the prison, accusing NATO for the alleged intended attacks against civilians. And, the Serbian state committed the largest number of barbarous killings of Albanians in the Prison of Dubrava, being convinced that the massacre would be kept in silence by the very North-Atlantic states, due to their involvement in killing the innocent hostage prisoners of the war. The Serbian state had many positive results in this aspect, as following the placement of NATO troupes and UNMIK power in Kosova, the Massacre of Dubrava was kept in silence in the largest possible part and particularly on the legal plan.
Here one should point out the fact that the destroyed prison of Dubrava was one of the first public facilities in Kosova that was built up by international funds immediately after the war. This was not done due to some urgent legal-state need in Kosova to be built right on the site of the ruins, which was a sensitive evidence of the massacre, but it was done to hide that material evidence of the massacre projected and committed by the Serbian state, which put even NATO on the trap.
This is an undeniable fact. However, while this international political silence about the Massacre of Dubrava can be understood, the political silence on this massacre by the Kosova institutions cannot be understood at all. Actually, no institution of Kosova, emerged from the vote of the people, has done the least effort so far that this massacre is disclosed through some legal research and historic scientific project, nor by some medial political public campaign. On the contrary, an unreasonable solidarity of national and international institutions has been noted to keeping as much as possible silent of and to hide this tragedy.
And, one should say clearly that until the Massacre of Dubrava will not break the political silence and while this massacre will not be legally institutionalised in its real size and content, the world will not find out what a dreadful play the Serbian state was playing in the Balkans, in particular in Albanians’ lands during the last fifteen years of “Yugoslavia”. The Massacre of Dubrava marks a legal feature different from other massacres against civilians in Kosova. A prison everywhere in the world is a direct state property and is administered by the Ministry of Justice. In the concrete case, the Prison of Dubrava was a property of Ministries of Justice of Serbia and Yugoslavia, which were responsible for the lives of prisoners. Since the massacre took place by the same state and the same Ministry of Justice, it is not at all difficult to find out the names of all those Serbs, starting from the state top persons to the guardians of the Prison and the Serbian prisoners themselves. The culprits should be brought before justice by a legally sustainable indictment, for a planned massacre against civilians of another people.
This projected and executed massacre by the Serbian legal and state institutions is the most original evidence of physical liquidation of Albanian civilisation, respective commitment of genocide and ethnocide against them. They were not certain Serbian regimes, but it was the mere Serbian state and its legal mechanisms that committed the massacre.
Accordingly, the institutions of Kosova, first of all the Government and Assembly of Kosova, should preliminary, by regular procedures, proclaim legitimately the Prison of Dubrava – an Installed Concentrated Camp of the period of the KLA Liberation War. This demand is justified by the Serbian inhuman treatment exerted against Albanian hostages there, in the years 1998-1999. In addition, the prisons and other public spaces of Kosova, in which were killed tortured and abused Albanian hostages by the Serb state itself, in an organised form, should be proclaimed installed and isolated concentration camps.
Actually, while the national and international institutions will continue to wrap this tragedy in political silence, the world will not understand appropriately the sacred message of freedom, peace and justice, and the Massacre of Dubrava will continue to remain a national and international injured conscience. Let us say it clearly: the political silence about the Serbian Massacre of Dubrava should not further remain a most inhuman compromise of the dogmatic of multi-ethnicity of Kosova, in order to make relative the state crimes exerted against Albanians. The Prison of Dubrava should in a near future be released from the present function and be announced a museum of a harsh and remarkable tragedy.
The above-mentioned suggestions, based on the fact that the genocide committed by Serbia in Kosova during the KLA Liberation War, is currently treated from the aspect of statistical consequences and not from the aspect of its content, which should define the real culprit, be it a collective or individual, to prove the existence of a Serbian state project on physical extinguishing of Albanian civilisation in Kosova, in order not to allow further the state crimes exerted against Albanians to become relative only at the levels of individual responsibilities, be it Milosevic himself.
Finally, we should point out that the Issue of Kosova was actually in the whole history, and is currently, the top Albanian issue, so the Albanian national existential issue, of the Balkan and European peace – if it were resolved properly. In the function of this solution, the institutions of Kosova, UNMIK, USA, Europe and UNSC should take into consideration the assertion of Caesarean Procop(middle of 6th century), who concluded in general dimensions: "As old history shows, Slavs are ready to take arms even without any reason (...), they do a war without any cause and without having announced it and do not want to give an end to it with an agreement. Finally they begin it without any right and give an end to it with violence".
In fact, out of these few data mentioned above, one could conclude: There is a sea of Albanian blood between Serbs and Albanians, poured out by Serbian knife. The tortures against hundreds of thousands of families throughout the history of Kosova, actually from 1811, when a Serbian horde of 300 members massacred the family of thirty members of Demë Ahmeti in Mavriq of Kryellap, to June 1999, is a terrible memory evidence. Historiography facts indicate that there is no Albanian brotherhood in the part of Ethnic Albania outside the Albania of London Conference, but also of those living in the Albanian border regions “Albania” with “Yugoslavia”, on the international London-Versailles borders through the pure ethnic Albanian lands, that have not experienced Serbian cannibal killing and violence.
And, if history is our teacher, as it has been believed since the Latin time, the issue of the status of Kosova, in awaiting, cannot be resolved by closing our eyes before 188 years of Serbian, Montenegrin, Greek and Bulgarian institutional crime and ethnocide against Albanians in general and the Albanian being in Kosova in particular. Serbia, especially, from January 1878 to June 1999, that is, for full 121 years, is responsible for unaccountable material damage, in addition to partition of Albania and the lives of about three million Albanians.
In this crime, the Greater European Powers and Russia are to blame as sharing the guilt, as by violent solutions in the South-Western Balkan, by partitioning a country and a nation only because their fate overloaded them to survive as Muslims, created crises that generated bloodshed, genocide, culture-genocide and ethnocide for a century against Albanians and historical-ethnic Albania
This is a hostage that obliges Kosova and Serbiato be one besides the other and never again together under the same state roof. And, if the current international factor of decision-making insists on forceful reconnection of a state life of Kosova and Serbia, without the will of the historical ethnic majority of Kosova, it will become the cause of new interethnic bloodsheds in Kosova and elsewhere in the internationally forceful partitioned Albanians’ lands.
That Serbia and Serbs cannot stand the existence of the Albanian nation, that Serbia and Serbs are exceedingly degenerated and racial anti-Albanians, that Serbia and Albania should be bordered by ethnic borders as the sole future of the Orthodox – Islamic Balkans – an empiric evidence is the “notes”: 29 May 1968 - 14 September 2004, of the monstrous academician, Dobrica Cosic, “Kosovo. Biblioteka Istine (Kosova. The Library of the Truth), Book No.1”, Belgrade, 2004, ISBN 86-7446-038-0, p. 257. It comes out that there is no other right way, but the international punishment of Serbia and recognition of the international law on political and state self-determination of the Albanians on their natural and ethnic compact extension.
An Albanian state with the borders of Ethnic Albania is not a Greater Albania, a Serbian-Russian-European anti-Islamic bogeyman of the period of imperialism, but it is less than two-thirds of Albania (Albania, Arnautluk) of the fifteenth to nineteenth centuries - Islamic, Orthodox and Catholic. Therefore, it is only a part of Albaniawatered with the blood of Albanians without any religious difference to the present day, protected also with the mercy of the God.
The destruction of what may be called Albanian lands, where the Serbian military stepped on Albanians’ lands – is evident. Particularly, violence and raping, carnages and massacres against unprotected civilians, men and women, old people and children in every angle of Kosova, from 24 March to 10 June 1999, the period of NATO bombardment on Serbian military machinery, are aching wounds which are continuously leaking blood. More than three thousand Albanians are neither alive nor in graves in the hands of Serbs – in order to defeat the KLA, a NATO partner – and they are bullets in the hearts of Albanians. Above all, the Serbian Massacre in the Prison of Dubrava against Albanian prisoners, from 19-24 May 1999, the real size of which is still unknown, is the best evidence that Serbia killed and burned with its own hand the Serbian part, precisely the colonial part, in Kosova.
In the book which you have in your hands there is a crime condemnation framework for an accusation at an international court against Serbian genocide in Kosova during the history sealed with crime against the Albanian being in Kosova during the period of NATO bombardment on Serbian military and police machinery, from 24 March to 10 June 1999. |
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